By passing Ukraine aid, the accidental speaker became an unlikely Churchill

TFD – Discover the story of Mike Johnson’s political courage as he pushes through bipartisan support for a crucial Ukraine aid bill. This narrative delves into the implications for US leadership, bipartisan cooperation, and geopolitical relations, shaping the course of international diplomacy.

In pushing a long-delayed $60 billion aid bill for Ukraine through the House of Representatives on Saturday, Republican Speaker Mike Johnson displayed remarkable legislative skill for a rookie leader and a political daring that is uncommon in Washington.

In order to defend a democratic country invaded without warning by Russian leader Vladimir Putin and to support US leadership in the West, Johnson put his own career in grave danger. Even while Russia is still determined to win a terrible conflict in which it is attacking people, his actions could save hundreds of Ukrainian lives.

Johnson’s self-examination and remarkable political maturation in the hyperpolarized Capitol preceded his support for the bill. A senior House colleague of his claimed that the “transformation” was the result of prayer on the part of the fervent hardline conservative from Louisiana, who professed a desire to be on the right side of history.

Johnson’s piloting of the bill through the House, after months of bitter infighting that split the GOP, saw him side with the diminished internationalist Ronald Reagan wing of his party while turning his back on the “America First” faction where he previously made his political home.

Johnson argued that without the United States continuing its arms and ammunition lifeline to Ukraine, Russia could score a victory that would prompt it to march deeper into Europe, drawing the US into another world war. He said a failure to act would bolster the emerging de facto axis of totalitarianism between Russia, Iran and China. Two other bills that Johnson shepherded through the House in a rare Saturday session will also send new aid to Israel and Taiwan, reinforcing other vital US national security goals in two other world hot spots. Johnson’s decisions also preserved and prolonged the central planks of President Joe Biden’s foreign policy less than seven months before he seeks reelection. Classified briefings by US covert agencies appear to have played a major role in his shift in thinking — another factor likely to anger “Make America Great Again” Republicans who view the intelligence community as a “deep state” that targets ex-President Donald Trump.

Johnson countered that the House had no option since the world situation was so dire and that Iran, China, and Russia posed “a global threat to our prosperity and our security.” The free world is in danger from their advance, and American leadership is required. (If) we turn our backs right now, the consequences could be devastating.”

Zelensky gave Johnson praise, but he cut his connections with MAGA Republicans.

A statement from Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, who had spent months warning he could lose the conflict if US support already worth tens of billions of dollars dried up, highlighted the gravity of the extraordinary events on a tense floor of the House. He posted on his Telegram channel, “I am grateful to the United States House of Representatives, both parties, and personally Speaker Mike Johnson for the decision that keeps history on the right track.” “As long as America helps to protect it, democracy and freedom will always have global significance and will never fail.”

Assuming the Senate approves the bill as anticipated, US aid might soon begin flowing into Ukraine, according to a report. In particular, Zelensky’s forces require anti-aircraft missiles and modern air defense systems to fend off Russia’s increasing air superiority and an increasing attack on targets related to the energy and civilian infrastructure. Meanwhile, Ukrainian soldiers battling under the harsh conditions of trench warfare have been hoarding weaponry and ammunition. A much-needed morale boost will also come from the House vote, as in recent months, the savage battle has shifted its focus to Ukraine.

Johnson’s actions, however, represented a flagrant challenge to the populist base of the Republican Party, which is adamantly against more Ukraine aid; hews closer to Putin than Zelensky; and views America’s traditional leadership of the West as propping up globalist policies antithetical to US interests. This seam of opinion is hugely influential in the GOP and has been harnessed over the years by Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee. And 112 Republicans — a majority of the conference — voted against the Ukraine bill. Millions of Americans share the ex-president’s worldview that America’s allies — who pleaded with Johnson not to abandon Ukraine — are freeloading off its defense umbrellas and that the US should take a much narrower view of its international obligations. They don’t believe that Ukraine is America’s fight and warn that standing up to Russia could lead to World War III.

Johnson is also increasingly vulnerable: In passing the Ukraine bill, he repudiated the demand of right-wing Republicans to use the aid as leverage to force the Biden administration to introduce hardline policies at the US-Mexico border. In this, however, he was undercut by his own side. The president had previously agreed to many of the GOP’s demands in the most conservative immigration bill in years — but Trump’s allies in the House killed the measure, apparently to deprive Biden of a win on an issue that the ex-president sees as his path back to the White House. That move — which deprived Johnson’s tiny majority of a significant policy win — taken together with the use of Democratic votes to pass Saturday’s Ukraine measure reflects the utter disarray in a Republican Party that is at war with itself. The optics turned even more perilous for Johnson when Democrats waved Ukrainian flags on the House floor, creating a scene that is already going viral among conservatives on social media and that the speaker was quick to condemn.

Johnson’s job security is still rather questionable.

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, a fierce opponent of providing financing for Ukraine’s war effort, cautioned that Johnson was a “lame duck” following the vote, but she did not call for the vote to remove him, as she had promised to do in an effort to block the Ukraine bill. Greene warned, “It’s unbelievable,” as she attacked Johnson for backing foreign wars, which she claimed was subsidizing America’s “murder industry.” I’m glad America can witness this man’s true nature.

The Georgia hardliner is one of at least three Republicans who have said they will support a move to oust Johnson — whose majority is so slim he cannot afford to lose any Republicans on a party-line vote and would likely need the support of Democrats to remain speaker.

As Congress take a little break, Greene foresaw a backlash from grassroots Republicans who believed that Johnson had betrayed GOP voters by working to pass important spending bills that funded the government. She might be right in her assessment, and Johnson’s greatest weakness might be a gradual increase in pressure.

Still, there were also signs even among Republicans disappointed with Johnson of no appetite for another debacle that would likely unfold in seeking a new speaker so close to elections. If Johnson has correctly read the mood of those members, he may survive in a display of political dexterity that few observers expected to see after he was elevated to the speakership from the backbenches in October as almost the last resort after better-known figures failed to amass a majority after Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s ouster. But his chances of staying in his post if the GOP wins in November still seem slim. Nevertheless, in passing aid to Israel and Ukraine, Johnson may have provided a service to vulnerable freshmen Republicans in swing districts whose victories in the 2022 midterms paved the way to their party’s control of the House. One of their number, Rep. Marc Molinaro of New York, told CNN’s Manu Raju that after speaking with his constituents, “It is clear to me that there are moments in time where we must do the right thing, and today we did that.”

Concerns about Trump’s involvement

One intriguing question Saturday was the position of Trump — a longtime antagonist of Zelensky and mentor of Greene, whose pressure on Kyiv to investigate Biden caused Trump’s first impeachment. Johnson traveled to Mar-a-Lago to see Trump recently and bolstered the ex-president’s false claims of election fraud in an apparent bid to shore up his own position. The ex-president, who has long genuflected to Putin, stayed on the sidelines of the Ukraine debate. It remains unclear whether he was seeking to preserve his options in the event he is the next commander in chief and wants to follow through with his vow to end the war in Ukraine. Or perhaps Trump was preoccupied with his own political goals — and his first criminal trial ahead of opening arguments on Monday.

Democratic House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries declined to comment on whether his party will support Johnson if Greene and her allies try to remove him from office using a move known as a motion to vacate, a move that has the GOP in a fervor following Saturday’s vote. It is unlikely that Democrats will attempt to retain Johnson in office over the long run, even if they do so as retaliation for the aid bills’ passing, which was a top aim for Biden. Many Democrats detest the speaker’s attempts to spread misleading information about Trump’s alleged election fraud, even though he may be the most conservative person to hold the position in recent US history. Furthermore, a Republican speaker who receives Democratic backing could lose the support of fellow Republicans and be obliged to step down.

Nonetheless, some Democrats grudgingly supported the speaker. When asked if he now respected Johnson more, Rep. Mike Quigley—co-chair of the Congressional Ukraine Caucus—spoke in response. The Democrat from Illinois remarked, “I guess I do.” “The old adage is ‘It’s never too late to do the right thing.’ We verified that,” Quigley continued. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer praised both Johnson and Jeffries, saying, “I know it was a difficult road, but the House is on the right side of history for approving this bill.”

Putin and other adversaries of the United States have been wagering that the country’s political divides, made worse by previous Russian meddling in elections, would prevent it from defending its long-standing interests abroad. Though it is unlikely that the US will continue to back Ukraine and maintain its position as the West’s preeminent leadership in the long run if Trump wins in November, Johnson postponed such expectations.

However, Texas Republican Mike McCaul, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, who had previously disclosed that Johnson had prayed for direction, claimed the speaker exhibited true leadership. “I want to be on the right side of history,” he declared. And he probably will be. And once more, I believe that his decision to put the country before himself is a true example of courage.

At the height of the discussion over Ukraine aid, McCaul drew comparisons between Britain’s appeasement of Nazi Germany under one prime minister and the resolute opposition of his successor, and the US approach toward Putin. “You have to ask yourself, as we consider this vote, am I Chamberlain or Churchill?” he asked.

Although the unintentional speaker presents an unlikely Churchill, on Saturday he demonstrated that he was a considerably more substantial and courageous character than many of his Democratic and Republican detractors had previously thought.