Serbia Student List Wins Election, Prepares to Form Government

Serbia’s student-backed Student List movement is preparing to begin talks on forming a new government after defeating the political alliance led by Aleksandar Vučić in a landmark parliamentary election. The result marks a major shift in Serbian politics after more than a decade of dominance by Vučić and his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), but questions remain over who will lead the incoming administration and how the movement will translate its anti-corruption promises into government policy.

The movement secured approximately 53% of the vote, translating into a projected 141 seats in Serbia’s 250-member parliament, according to estimates from the Centre for Free Elections and Democracy (CeSID) and Ipsos. Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party-led alliance received around 39%, with projections allocating it 103 seats. The remaining representation is expected to come from national minority lists.

Vučić conceded defeat on Sunday, October 25, after nearly two years of protests triggered by the deadly collapse of a canopy at the Novi Sad railway station. Celebrations followed across Serbia as supporters of the student-backed movement welcomed the prospect of political change.

Despite its decisive electoral performance, the Student List faces a difficult transition. The movement deliberately avoids a conventional leadership hierarchy, and its candidates include academics, professionals, actors and farmers. Its next challenge is to agree on a prime minister, appoint ministers and establish a governing structure capable of implementing its reform agenda.

Student List Wins Parliamentary Election With 53% of Vote

The Student List’s victory represents a significant setback for the political establishment that has dominated Serbia since Vučić and his allies rose to national prominence. The projected result gives the movement a parliamentary majority and the opportunity to form a government without relying on a coalition with the outgoing ruling alliance.

CeSID and Ipsos projections, based on their election sample, put the Student List at approximately 53% of the vote and 141 seats. The SNS-led alliance was projected to receive around 39% and 103 seats, while the remaining seats were allocated to national minority representatives.

The projections indicated that the movement had won a clear mandate to pursue its campaign priorities. However, the final parliamentary composition and the formal transfer of power depend on the official electoral process and the constitutionally required steps that follow the vote.

Vučić acknowledged his alliance’s defeat late on Sunday. His concession followed an election campaign shaped by widespread dissatisfaction over corruption, the functioning of public institutions and the direction of the country’s political system.

The victory followed two years of demonstrations that began after 16 people died when a canopy collapsed at the Novi Sad railway station. The tragedy became a catalyst for demands for accountability and broader institutional reform, with student protesters playing a central role in sustaining the movement.

What began as public anger over a deadly infrastructure failure developed into a wider challenge to the government. Protesters increasingly focused on transparency, responsibility within state institutions and the need for political change.

Why Serbia’s Student Movement Avoids a Traditional Leader

One of the biggest questions following the election is how the Student List will govern without a clearly established leader. Unlike conventional political parties, the movement has emphasised collective decision-making and sought to avoid concentrating authority in a single individual.

Its electoral candidates were selected through a process involving student assemblies, and the list includes people from different professional backgrounds. Prominent figures include Ilija Srdanović, a cardiologist who headed the candidate list; Dejan Šoškić, a former governor of Serbia’s central bank; and Radomir Saičić, a chemistry professor at the University of Belgrade who spoke on behalf of the movement after the result.

The movement’s structure has helped it present itself as an alternative to personality-driven politics. By avoiding a single dominant figure, it has sought to emphasise shared responsibility and public accountability rather than the concentration of political power.

However, a decentralised structure can also complicate decisions that require speed, coordination and clear responsibility. Forming a government will require agreement on a prime minister, ministerial appointments and a common programme that candidates from different backgrounds can support.

Political analyst Nikola Burazer, programme director at the Belgrade-based Centre for Contemporary Politics, said the movement’s decision-making process would need to become faster. The process of selecting candidates had taken months, raising questions about how efficiently the same model could function when making urgent government decisions.

The challenge is not simply choosing a leader. The Student List must establish procedures for resolving disagreements, setting priorities and ensuring that public commitments can be translated into enforceable policies.

Student List Promises to Fight Corruption and Restore the Rule of Law

Anti-corruption measures and the restoration of the rule of law are central to the Student List’s platform. The movement has argued that Serbia needs stronger institutional independence, greater transparency in public spending and safeguards against political interference in state bodies.

One proposal involves creating an independent police unit accountable to prosecutors rather than the interior ministry. The movement has also called for action against police officers alleged to have links to organised crime.

Such reforms would be intended to reduce the risk of political influence over law enforcement and strengthen the ability of prosecutors to investigate suspected wrongdoing. Implementing them, however, would require detailed legal changes, institutional cooperation and appropriate oversight.

The Student List also wants to prevent political party loyalists from receiving appointments in state-owned companies. Its platform calls for stronger financial accountability and independent public scrutiny of major state infrastructure contracts.

Public procurement and infrastructure spending have become important issues in Serbia’s political debate, particularly following the Novi Sad railway station disaster. The student movement has used demands for transparency and accountability to argue that public money must be managed in the public interest.

Its proposed independent oversight mechanisms would seek to make contracts and financial flows more visible to citizens. Whether these plans produce lasting change will depend on the independence of the bodies established, access to information and the willingness of the government to act on their findings.

Movement Seeks to End Intimidation and Rebuild Public Institutions

Beyond corruption, the Student List has promised a broader effort to address what its supporters describe as a system of intimidation and political pressure. Ana Mirković, a university educationist, psychologist and candidate on the list, said the movement viewed its victory as a responsibility rather than an opportunity to acquire privileges.

“We do not see the election result as gaining power and privileges, but as taking on a historic debt to our own people and to our own children,” Mirković said.

Mirković described the movement’s first priority as the social and psychological recovery of the country. She argued that Serbia needed to address an environment marked by fear and polarisation, including pressure on public-sector employees and what she described as institutional violence.

The movement has pledged to open up the media environment, reduce political pressure on public employees and strengthen the independence of the judiciary. It has also called for improvements to education and healthcare, presenting institutional reform as part of a wider effort to rebuild public trust.

These commitments will require action across multiple sectors of government. Media independence, for example, depends on regulatory safeguards, transparent ownership and the ability of journalists to work without improper interference. Judicial reform requires institutions that can operate independently while remaining accountable under the law.

The Student List will also need to demonstrate that its approach differs from the political practices it has criticised. Its credibility will depend on whether it applies transparency and accountability standards to its own officials as well as to the outgoing administration.

Replacing the Outgoing Administration Will Be a Major Challenge

Winning an election does not automatically transform the institutions through which a country is governed. Serbia’s incoming administration will inherit a public sector that has operated under the outgoing political leadership for years, creating potential obstacles to rapid reform.

The Student List faces a challenge similar in some respects to that confronting Hungary’s Tisza party after its victory over Viktor Orbán’s government. In both cases, political newcomers have sought to replace entrenched systems while confronting institutions and administrative structures developed under long-serving incumbents.

Serbia’s civil service, public companies and state institutions will continue to perform essential functions during any transition. The new government will need to distinguish between professional officials who carry out their responsibilities and individuals whose appointments or conduct raise legitimate concerns about political interference.

A wholesale replacement of personnel would risk disrupting public services, while failing to address documented misconduct could undermine the movement’s reform agenda. Establishing fair procedures, transparent appointments and independent investigations will therefore be important to the transition.

The Student List has promised to depoliticise public institutions, but the practical details will determine how quickly and effectively that objective can be pursued. Its ability to balance institutional continuity with accountability will be one of the first tests of its governing capacity.

Serbia’s Relations With the EU and Russia Remain Uncertain

The Student List largely kept divisive foreign policy questions out of the centre of its election campaign, concentrating instead on corruption, public institutions and domestic political reform. Its victory nevertheless raises questions about Serbia’s future relations with the European Union, Russia and other international partners.

Serbia has maintained close ties with Russia under Vučić while also pursuing relations with the European Union. The balance between those relationships has been a recurring issue in Serbian diplomacy, particularly following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and continuing debate over Serbia’s European integration.

The Kremlin said it hoped Serbia’s new leaders would understand that cooperation with Russia served the country’s interests. The statement indicated Moscow’s interest in preserving ties with Belgrade after the change in Serbia’s political direction.

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelenskyy welcomed the result, describing it as a new chapter in the country’s history. He expressed hope for Serbia’s development and closer relations with the European community, while thanking Serbia for respecting Ukraine’s people, state and independence.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz also welcomed the outcome and said Berlin would actively support Serbia’s European path. He highlighted the Student List’s emphasis on the rule of law, anti-corruption measures and fundamental freedoms.

The international response reflects expectations that political change could create opportunities for closer cooperation with European institutions. However, the Student List’s domestic mandate does not automatically settle its future foreign policy. Its approach to relations with the EU and Russia will depend on decisions made by the incoming government and the priorities agreed among its leaders.

Student Victory Could Inspire Other Protest Movements

The Student List’s electoral success has attracted attention beyond Serbia because it demonstrates how a protest movement can develop into a competitive electoral force. The campaign emerged from demands for accountability after the Novi Sad disaster and expanded into a wider challenge to the political establishment.

Analysts have noted that the movement differs from many conventional political parties because it relies on grassroots organisation and collective decision-making. Its success may encourage other student movements seeking improvements in education, employment opportunities and democratic accountability.

However, Serbia’s experience may not be easily replicated elsewhere. The movement developed in response to the country’s specific political circumstances, including the protests following the railway station collapse and public concerns about institutional accountability.

Winning more than half the vote is a significant achievement, but governing requires a different set of skills. A protest movement can unite people around demands for change, while a government must make decisions about budgets, public services, foreign policy and competing social priorities.

The Student List’s ability to maintain public support will depend on how it handles those decisions. Its decentralised structure could help preserve broad participation, but it will also need clear mechanisms for reaching agreements and communicating responsibility to voters.

Constitutional Deadlines Set the Timetable for a New Government

Serbia’s constitutional framework establishes deadlines for the formation of a new administration following parliamentary elections. The new parliament must convene within 30 days of the official election results, after which the government must be formed within the prescribed 90-day period.

These requirements give the Student List a defined timetable for turning its electoral victory into a functioning government. Before that process is complete, the movement must agree on leadership arrangements, ministerial appointments and the policy programme that will guide its first term.

The report also states that Serbia must hold a presidential election before December 27, following Vučić’s decision to step down from the presidency to pursue the prime ministership. The timing and legal arrangements for that contest will be important developments to watch as the political transition progresses.

For now, the immediate priority is forming a government capable of implementing the movement’s promises. The election has opened a new chapter in Serbian politics, but the scale of the challenge means the transition will be measured not only by appointments and declarations, but also by the institutional changes that follow.

What Happens Next After Serbia’s Student List Victory?

The Student List enters government formation with a strong projected parliamentary mandate and a broad programme centred on anti-corruption measures, judicial independence, media freedom and public accountability. Its lack of a conventional leader, however, leaves important questions about how authority will be organised and how quickly decisions can be made.

The movement must now turn its shared platform into a practical governing programme, appoint a prime minister and build a cabinet capable of working across the state administration. It must also manage expectations among supporters who see the election as an opportunity to transform Serbia’s political system.

Vučić’s defeat marks a major electoral setback for the alliance that dominated Serbian politics for more than a decade. Yet the long-term consequences will depend on whether the incoming leadership can establish independent institutions, investigate corruption fairly and deliver improvements to public services.

The Student List’s victory has created an opening for political change. Its next test will be to demonstrate that a movement built around collective decision-making can govern effectively, protect democratic accountability and turn its promise to rebuild Serbian society into lasting institutional reform.